The Straight Skinny in Two Articles followed by a Vietnam Number 10!
July 8, 2007
http://www.tribulationperiod.com/
The proof that Israel is the only true democracy in the Middle East can be clearly seen in its news releases. No other Middle East country will allow complete freedom of expression in its full media spectrum.
The three articles presented in this lengthy blog are living examples of a true democracy at work. Our country has fought several wars to protect the right of free press and speech from opposite ends of a far right
to far left spectrum.
No one can ever legitimately accuse the Jerusalem Post of failing to present a “fair and balanced” newspaper. When one reads the articles that follow, the first expressing what I would certainly classify as a right wing viewpoint, being offered by former chief of General Staff Lt.-Gen. (res.) Moshe Ya’alon, and, since I am a right winger, one with which I am in complete agreement. The second article is written by Carolyn Glick, my favorite Jerusalem Post writer. The third article by Naomi Chazan I must classify as a classic left wing viewpoint, and, in my way of thinking, it is sadly out of sight in reality of the Palestinian objectives, but well written and straight forward. I read articles expressing what are labeled as being both conservative and liberal.
I found myself wondering if Caroline Glick and Naomi Chazan ever discuss the policies they would like to see Israel follow. Carolyn Glick is a classic example of a right-winger and Naomi Chazan is a classic example of the far left.
The Jerusalem Post is quite good at presenting both the “left” and “right” viewpoints.
Article 1 – A Right Wing Viewpoint
Ya’alon: Land for Peace Concept Failed
Etgar Leftovits, THE JERUSALEM POST
July 4, 2007
The concept of land for peace has proven a failure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and any future IDF withdrawal from the West Bank will create a second “Hamastan,” which would threaten both Israel and Jordan, former chief of General Staff Lt.-Gen. (res.) Moshe Ya’alon said Wednesday.
Ya’alon said Hamas’s takeover of the Gaza Strip and the creation of “the first jihadist Arab entity” on Israel’s doorstep last month was “the last nail in the coffin” in a string of faulty conceptions about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that had characterized Israeli and Western policy for decades.
“The strengthening of Hamas after the Israeli pullout from Gaza and the Hamas takeover of Gaza necessitate a renewed examination of Israeli and international conceptions about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that, to my mind, are no longer relevant,” he said in an address organized by the Shalem Center, a Jerusalem research institute, on the consequences of the Hamas power grab.
Ya’alon said the faulty conceptions about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict included the beliefs that the Palestinians want – or were able – to establish an independent state within the pre-1967 armistice lines, that the creation of two states within those boundaries would solve the conflict, that land for peace was the basis for any peace agreement, that peace would bring security, and that the key to stability in the Middle East was the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
He s aid the violent P
alestinian rejection of the peace proposal offered to them at Camp David seven years ago, which would have given them a state on the Gaza Strip and some 95 percent of the West Bank, and the refusal of both Hamas and Fatah to recognize the existence of a Jewish state negated the essence of Israeli and international policies – that the Palestinians want an independent State alongside Israel on the pre-1967 borders.
“We are talking about [a Palestinian Authority which is] a gang authority and not a political authority,” he said.
Ya’alon said regional stability was not dependent on the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as many Western leaders argue, but on the defeat of jihadism, led by the Iranian regime.
“Any Israeli concession will not only not reduce the threat, but will increase it,” he said.
“The result of Israeli concessions today will hurt not only Israel’s interests and those of the West, but those of moderate Arab regimes in the region,” he added.
Ya’alon, who is expected to be a top contender in the political arena in the future, said Israel must treat the Hamas-run Gaza Strip as an “enemy entity” and should “disengage” from providing water, electricity and other supplies to the volatile coastal strip where an estimated 1.4 million people live.
At the same time, he said Israel should give the Fatah-run PA in the West Bank a chance to establish autonomous rule, while Israel stayed in charge of security.
He said he opposed the deployment of any foreign troops in the West Bank, including from Jordan, calling it a fruitless idea that has been ineffective in the past.
Ya’alon’s tenure as IDF chief from 2002 to 2005 was marked by both a successful crackdown on terrorism, and his very overt falling out with then-prime minister Ariel Sharon over his opposition to the unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip.
In a separate address, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Giora Eil and, a former head of the National Security Council, said Israel was missing
an opportunity following the Hamas takeover of Gaza last month.
Eiland said Israel had not used the Hamas conquest of Gaza to pressure the Islamist group to stop Kassam attacks and to free Cpl. Gilad Schalit, and was instead serving the Palestinian interest by releasing security prisoners and easing movement in the West Bank.
Neither Israeli nor Palestinian leaders were interested in reaching a peace agreement, Eiland said, since such an accord would not be practical, given the political realities on the ground, and would only lead to an escalation of violence.
Begin Article 2 – A View from the Right
Column One: Don’t worry, be happy!
Caroline Glick, THE JERUSALEM POST
July 5, 2007
Any doubt that Hamas is an Iranian proxy was dispelled this week by a snippet on the Middle East Media Research Institute’s blog.
MEMRI reported: “An article in the Iranian weekly Sobh-e Sadeq, circulated among the Revolutionary Guards, states that Fatah documents captured by Hamas have revealed that Egypt played a role in instigating the clashes which led to the Hamas takeover of Gaza. The article added that this is the second time Egypt has betrayed the Palestinians, the first being [the slain Egyptian president Anwar] Sadat’s betrayal at the Camp David summit.”
So Hamas is sharing the treasure trove of intelligence it captured during its takeover of Gaza with Iran. In the greatest intelligence victory ever accomplished by a jihadist organization, Hamas (and Iran) now possess the files of all of the Palestinian security apparatuses, and the personal papers of Fatah leaders such as Yasser Arafat, Mahmoud Abbas and Muhammad Dahlan.
Hamas sources claim that Fatah’s abject surrender of the information should come as a surprise to no one. They brag that in the months leading up to their putsch, Fatah operatives were happy to sell them all the weapons and intelligence information they asked for.
Iran’s use of the Fatah files against Egypt demonstrates that the emergence of Hamastan in Gaza endangers not only Israel, but regional security as a whole. Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Lebanon, the US and Israel can all expect reports to surface that will, in the best case, cause them deep embarrassment. Their governments may be destabilized and their security operations may be compromised.
No doubt this state of affairs was central in causing the Egyptians, Saudis and Jordanians to all tell Palestinian Authority Chairman and Fatah chief Abbas not to clash with Hamas but to try to forge a new accord with it.
And so Hamas’s position improves by the day.
On Sunday, just after Israel made its first payment of $120 million to Salaam Fayad’s Fatah government, Fayad announced that the money will go to pay salaries of PA employees in Gaza.
This tells us two things.
First, it shatters the illusion of two distinct PAs – one that is bad and one that is good. By paying PA employees in Gaza, Fayad showed that from Fatah’s perspective, there is only one PA, not two.
Second, his move exposes as a lie Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s claim that the money was going only to Fatah. Indeed, it showed that Israel is funding Hamas. After all, if Fayad weren’t using Israeli money to pay the Gazans, Hamas would have to pay them out of its own pocket.
BBC reporter Alan Johnston’s release on Wednesday was another win for Hamas. After Johnston’s release, Britain’s new Foreign Secretary David Miliband – whose mother, a Holocaust survivor, is a member of the radical anti-Zionist organization “Jews for Justice for Palestinians” and whose late father was a Communist – gushed over Hamas. Miliband said that Hamas leaders “denounced the hostage-takers and demanded Alan’s release. I fully acknowledge the crucial role they have played in securing this happy outcome.”
In comments to Parliament, Miliband left the door wide open to the possibility of Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s government recognizing the Hamas government.
Rather than chide the British for their embrace of a movement driven by barbaric hatred for Jews and bent on Islamic global domination, the Israeli government lavished praise on the British for successfully negotiating Johnston’s release and tried to make nice with Hamas. Olmert coyly suggested, “As is known, Hamas members holding [IDF soldier Gilad Schalit] are – in effect – preventing the release of Palestinian prisoners as has been agreed upon.”
By thus framing the issue of Schalit’s release, Olmert signaled to Hamas that Israel is interested in cutting a deal and has already accepted the Iranian-proxy’s control over the outskirts of Ashkelon and Ashdod.
Hamas has other new friends – al-Qaida for instance.
While just last March al-Qaida was condemning its fellow Muslim Brotherhood terrorist organization for signing the Mecca agreement with Fatah, in the al-Qaida video disseminated this week, the group’s deputy commander, Ayman al-Zawahiri, praised Hamas and called for Muslims to join the terror group.
In his words, “We tell our brothers, the Hamas mujahadin, that we and the entire Muslim nation stand alongside you, but you must redress your [political] path. Muslims must join Hamas ranks and we will back them by facilitating the passage of weapons and supplies from neighboring countries.”
The Olmert government’s refusal to take the Hamas-Iranian threat in Gaza seriously fits well with its overall refusal to forge any coherent policies for dealing with any of the mounting threats that Israel faces.
Last week, the Syrians celebrated the 33rd anniversary of the “liberation” of Quneitra on the Golan Heights, which Israel ceded to Syria in the cease-fire agreement that ended the Yom Kippur War.
In government ceremonies, ministers in Bashar Assad’s government emphasized the dictator’s commitment to “liberating” the Golan.
It was also reported that in honor of the anniversary, the Syrians opened the Damascus-Quneitra road to civilian traffic for the first time since 1967. If true, it would appear that the Syrians are setting the stage for terrorist infiltration of the Golan Heights.
Radio Damascus reported Wednesday that the Syrian regime views IDF exercises in the North as a threat. This announcement can only be seen as a Syrian bid to develop a pretext for starting a war against Israel.
And what sort of war awaits us? A missile war.
While the Olmert government argues over
the relative merits of overhauling and upgrading the National Security Council, and bolsters our national security by appointing Ruhama Avraham – the woman of many hair colors and stylish outfits – to the cabinet, the main lesson of the Second Lebanon War is being systematically ignored.
THE WAR showed that Israel’s enemies’ primary target is the home front. This understanding was supposed to propel the government to secure civilian population centers nationwide, since Syrian missiles are capable of hitting every square centimeter of the country. But one year later, not even Sderot has been re inforced and the bomb shelters
in the North remain neglected. It took the Finance Ministry 11 months to release funds to purchase gas masks for the public even though it is well known that Syria has chemical weapons.
Although Olmert said that for him the last war is but “a distant memory,” in Lebanon it is living history. Hizbullah is rearming so massively that even the UN has taken notice. Last week, UN General Secretary Ban Ki-moon reported to the Security Council that the Syrian-Lebanese border has been completely breached and that shipments of Iranian and Syrian arms transit the country without the slightest difficulty.
On Monday, outgoing Deputy Defense Minister Ephraim Sneh effectively told Israel Radio that the government is neglecting the security needs of Israel by starving the IDF of the funds necessary to adequately equip its forces and secure the home front ahead of a possible war with Hizbullah, Syria and Hamas. He also accused the government of mishandling the Iranian nuclear threat.
Olmert, Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, Strategic Affairs Minister Avigdor Lieberman and Transportation Minister Shaul Mofaz all lull the public into complacency by claiming that the UN Security Council sanctions against Iran are effective, and that Israel and the US are closely coordinating their policies on dealing with the Iranian nuclear weapons program. In his interview, Sneh called their bluff.
Sneh argued that the sanctions have not prevented Iran from advancing its nuclear program and stated outright that “there is no coordination on the operational level between the Israeli and US militaries on Iran.”
Sneh added that the governmental underfunding has left the military bereft of good options for attacking Iran’s nuclear installations on its own.
On the other side, Teheran is mobilizing all of its resources for a war against the US and Israel. Risking its own destabilization, the regime instituted gasoline rationing last week. And this week President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad announced that Iran will soon begin rationing electricity.
Intent on ignoring the dangers, Israel’s government has opted to attack those who warn of them. Case in point is its treatment of former US ambassador to the UN John Bolton. Last week Bolton told The Jerusalem Post that the Bush administration’s Iran policy has failed.
In his words, “The current approach of the Europeans and Americans is not just doomed to failure, but dangerous. Diplomacy and sanctions have failed… So we have to look at: 1, overthrowing the regime and getting in a new one that won’t pursue nuclear weapons; 2, a last-resort use of force.”
Bolton added that there might not be enough time to bring down the regime before the Iranians acquire nuclear weapons.
Israeli officials, snug in their bubble, reacted to the interview by attacking Bolton. One official dismissed Bolton by calling him America’s “Avigdor Lieberman.” Another patronized, “It is possible that his comments were meant to expedite the process. We would all like to see more aggressive diplomacy.”
But as Sneh made clear, not only were Bolton’s remarks accurate, but also, thanks to the Olmert government, Israel lacks the means to independently address the threat of its own annihilation, and has no military coordination on the matter with the US.
To their credit, the ministers responsible for dealing with Iran are very busy with pressing concerns. Last week, Lieberman took a trip to Europe, where he tried to advance his idea of bringing Israel into the anti-Israel EU. And in light of UNIFIL’s stunning accomplishments in preventing Hizbullah from rearming, Israel’s “Strategic Affairs” minister also used his time to push his idea of deploying NATO forces to Gaza.
On Wednesday, Livni met with her Moroccan counterpart. Livni praised Morocco for its participation in the Saudi Peace Plan that has been disavowed by the Saudis.
Olmert the peacemaker concluded a peace accord this week between his cronies Ronnie Bar-On and Haim Ramon. He also negotiated a temporary cease-fire with his political rival Meir Sheetrit. Most critically, Olmert ensured Israel’s long-term security by appointing Ruhama Avraham a minister-without-portfolio in his Lilliputian government.
The local media organs, all of which moronically ignore the emerging threats, keep promising the public that the Olmert government will fall as soon as the Winograd Committee issues its final report on the Second Lebanon War, sometime in the next few months. But there is no guarantee that this is true.
In the best case scenario, the report will merely tell us what has been clear for the past year: With or without a restructured National Security Council, our political leaders are incompetent boobs whose only concern is their personal political survival, regardless of the consequences for the nation’s security.
But really, why worry? After all, Shas is happy. Lieberman is satisfied. Olmert is rock solid. And Ruhama is moved to tears.
Perhaps we should be crying, too.
Article 3 – A Left-Wing Viewpoint
Critical Currents: Bold strategy vs. piecemeal tactics
Naomi Chazan. THE JERUSALEM POST
June 28, 2007
The emerging tactic of isolating the Hamas-dominated Gaza Strip and bolstering Fatah rule in the West Bank is as shortsighted as it is simplistic. While it may serve the immediate interests of the Olmert government, the Palestinian Authority, Egypt, Jordan and the Bush administration, it does not suggest a realistic plan for stabilization, let alone a workable trajectory for accommodation.
In order not to miss yet another – perhaps the last – chance for a permanent settlement, a much more refined, comprehensive, regionally-based and internationally-backed strategy to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict must urgently be designed and implemented.
The reasoning behind the current separation approach is obvious: The violent Hamas takeover in Gaza presents an imminent danger to all its neighbors and furnishes a precedent with alarming regional consequences.
It must be tackled vigorously and directly.
The logic behind the separation approach is, however, less compelling. The complete blockade of Gaza, coupled with efforts to bring about tangible improvements in the West Bank, are meant to increase popular pressure on Hamas and, ultimately, to hasten its demise. This type of thinking ignores the fact that precisely such a policy has backfired in the very recent past. More seriously, it overlooks the inherent and inviolable connection between the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank. If what happened in the former is not to repeat itself in the latter, then any policy must treat both together.
The challenges now facing Mahmoud Abbas and the newly-appointed Salaam Fayad government are truly daunting. Although some voices calling for revenge for the humiliating defeat can still be heard in Fatah circles, there is a growing realization that legitimacy depends on the rehabilitation of the structures and capabilities of the Palestinian Authority.
SUCH A consolidation requires, first, a concrete and continuous amelioration of the situation on the ground. While the elimination of the rampant corruption in official bodies is in the new government’s hands, the easing of daily life is very much a joint effort. It depends not only on substantial financial injections, but also on increased mobility essential both to meet economic and social needs and to reestablish central political control. The lifting of the hundreds of internal checkpoints is therefore more than essential.
Second, a diplomatic channel must be carved out with a view to achieving a lasting agreement in the foreseeable future. No Palestinian government, however much supported by the international community, can continue to assume responsibility without the authority that comes with the promise of independent statehood.
AND THIRD, the long, tedious and absolutely vital task of institution-building must be addressed after too many years of abuse, neglect and destruction. The dismantling of armed militias and the reassertion of a monopoly over the use of force is a crucial step in this direction. But so, too, is the reconstruction of the systematically assailed civilian administration – from education and welfare to planning and taxation.
The successful pursuit of these institution-fortifying processes depends on steady progress on the immediate and diplomatic fronts. It is doubtful whether this can be achieved without the restoration of confidence in the leadership. The release of Marwan Barghouti is important for immediate stabilization. Lasting legitimacy, however, will lie in the capacity of the new government to pursue the demand of the Palestinian people in both the West Bank and Gaza for self-determination and a dignified existence alongside Israel.
This tripartite Palestinian agenda cannot be carried out without the full cooperation first of Israel, and then of regional and international actors. It is their preferred program, as well.
Ehud Olmert has clung to recent events in Palestine as a lifeline for his personal political survival. His willingness to introduce some measures to ease the situation in the West Bank is far too hesitant and partial. These lack the political will needed to promote fundamental Israeli concerns (and will hardly increase his political longevity in the face of pending corruption charges, if not the fallout from the final Winograd Committee report).
Since Israel has absolutely no desire to recapture Gaza and cannot afford any further deterioration in the West Bank, it clearly has a vested interest in leveraging current developments to achieve a sustainable resolution. The present promotion of the separation plan is consequently tragically self-defeating. A bold Israeli move, rather than yet another outright rejection of progress on final status talks – proposed this time by Condoleezza Rice – is an existential imperative.
Egypt and Jordan, not to speak of the Quartet and especially the United States, can only benefit from such a move. They must provide a convincing answer to the allure of religious militancy. The growing signs of turmoil in Lebanon and around Syria give an added sense of urgency to this quest. The unresolved Palestinian conundrum has now assumed broad regional proportions and requires collective action.
Any specific policy today must be directly linked to a common, agreed-upon goal of advancing a comprehensive settlement.
The Arab League Initiative proffers just such a framework. Violent Islamic extremism will not be subdued by a tactic of purposeful division; it will only be defeated by the solidification of a vibrant and just alternative. The promise of a physically, materially and humanly secure future rests on a holistic strategy based on the Palestinian Authority’s ability to negotiate on behalf of all the Palestinian people and partners willing to do so.
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