The Ezekiel 38 Tribes are Planning for War
Beware a chief prince of Meshech and Tubal
And Togarmah’s Descendants With His Bands
Biggest arab army north of Israel comes Down
“The House of Togarmah of the North Quarters
And of all his bands and many people with Thee”
August 3, 2011
http://www.tribulationperiod.com/
Ezekiel 38:6b,9 – The house of Togarmah of the north quarters, and all his bands: and many people with thee. [9] Thou shalt ascend and come like a storm, thou shalt be like a cloud to cover the land, thou, and all thy bands, and many people with thee.
Begin Excerpts from Wikipedia
Jewish historian Flavius Josephus (37 – c. 100 AD), Roman Catholic priest Jerome (c. 347 – 420 AD) and Isidore of Seville (c. 560 – 636 AD) regarded Togarmah as the father of the Phrygians.
In antiquity, Phrygia was a kingdom in the west central part of Anatolia, in what is now modern-day Turkey.
In Jewish sources too Togarmah is listed as the father of the Turkic peoples: The medieval Jewish scholar: Joseph ben Gorion lists in his Josippon the ten sons of Togarmah.
Togarmah is mentioned as being a nation from the “far north” in the Bible. Ezekiel 38:6 – “There will also be Gomer with all its troops and the house of Togarmah from the far north with all its troops-many nations with you.”
In Ezekiel 27:14 Togarmah is mentioned after Tubal, Javan, and Meshech as supplying horses and mules to the Tyrians, and in Ezekiel 38:6 it is said to have supplied soldiers to the army of Gog.
Turkic History
According to other records, Togarmah is regarded as the ancestor of the Turkic peoples. For example, The French Benedictine monk and scholar Calmet (1672–1757) places Togarmah in Scythia and Turcomania (in the Eurasian Steppes and Central Asia). Also in his letters, King Joseph ben Aaron, the ruler of the Khazars, writes:
“You ask us also in your epistle: “Of what people, of what family, and of what tribe are you?” Know that we are descended from Japhet, through his son Togarmah. I have found in the genealogical books of my ancestors that Togarmah had ten sons.
These are their names:
the eldest was Ujur (Agiôr – Uyghur),
the second Tauris (Tirôsz – Tauri),
the third Avar (Avôr – Avar),
the fourth Uauz (Ugin – Oghuz),
the fifth Bizal (Bizel – Pecheneg),
the sixth Tarna,
the seventh Khazar (Khazar),
the eighth Janur (Zagur),
the ninth Bulgar (Balgôr – Bulgar),
the tenth Sawir (Szavvir/Szabir – Sabir).”
In Jewish sources too Togarmah is listed as the father of the Turkic peoples: The medieval Jewish scholar: Joseph ben Gorion lists in his Josippon the ten sons of Togarmah.
Togarmah is mentioned as being a nation from the “far north” in the Bible. Ezekiel 38:6 – “There will also be Gomer with all its troops and the house of Togarmah from the far north with all its troops-many nations with you.”
In Ezekiel 27:14 Togarmah is mentioned after Tubal, Javan, and Meshech as supplying horses and mules to the Tyrians, and in Ezekiel 38:6 it is said to have supplied soldiers to the army of Gog.
Begin Excerpt from Prophecy Update Excerpt
Ezekiel 38:3-6 – And say, Thus saith the Lord God; Behold I am against thee, O Gog, the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal: [4] And I will turn thee back, and put hooks into thy jaws, and I will bring thee forth, and all thine army, horses and horsemen, all of them clothed with all sorts of armour, even a great company with bucklers and shields, all of them handling swords: [5] Persia, Ethiopia, and Libya with them; all of them with shield and helmet: [6] Gomer, and all his bands; the house of Togarmah of the north quarters, and all his bands: and many people with thee.
There is only one war coming in the Middle East, which will be separated by a three and one half year truce.
This war starts at about the same time a great tribulation period of geological and meteorological horror comes on this planet. It will initially involve only Islam and Israel. After Israel has been driven into the Negev, a truce will be made through the United Nations. The truce will be broken by Antichrist as he influences the peoples now occupying the known world at the time of the writing of Revelation
by John, and they will come against Israel at the final battle of the Age of the Gentiles known as Armageddon.
As a young man, living in the pre-Hal Linsey books age, I was taught that only one war occurred during the “latter days” before Armageddon. It was a war that began in the Middle East when the antichrist attacked the nation of Israel, and ended some 3 and ½ years later with the final battle of this age – Armageddon. But I now find myself surrounded by a large array of preachers and teachers who are convinced that the war led by Gog, the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal, and found in Ezekiel 38 and 39, occurs before the war that commences some 3 and ½ years before the battle of Armageddon, and that the antichrist is not Gog, but comes out the war led by Gog, and then leads 10 European Union nations against Israel. They teach that when Gog and his armies come against Israel they will be slaughtered, and that Israel will be absolutely successful in thoroughly routing them. Perhaps I overlooked it, but in all my years of looking in many old musty religious archives, I never found a manuscript published before 1812 that taught there were two back-to-back wars just before the battle of Armageddon. It would seem to me that the arrival of Napoleon in Europe set the stage for a shift from bringing the antichrist out of the southern flank of the old Roman Empire to a new scheme of bringing him out of the northern flank. This shift necessitated the invention of two wars. I do not believe the shift should ever have been made. I believe the initial attack will occur some 3 and ½ years before the end of this age at Armageddon.
Begin Excerpt from the SILIVRI JOURNAL via Haaretz and the NY Times
Turks Question Power of Prime Minister
By ANTHONY SHADID
August 1, 2011
SILIVRI, Turkey — The retired men in this town of rolling hills, red shingles and resentment of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan paused their card game to voice their fears over the protest resignations of most of Turkey’s military command, an event that underlined Mr. Erdogan’s stamp on an era he can call his own.
“He finished the army,” said Rait Kurt, sitting at a table flanked by pictures of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern Turkey, whose principles the military has long said it upholds.
“Our biggest protector is the army,” added a friend, Ozdemir Elmas.
“Who shall we trust now?” Kurt asked rhetorically. “Who?”
The resignations last week of Turkey’s top commander, along with heads of the navy, army and air force, seemed for many to bring symbolically to a close the gravest danger to civilian rule here — the penchant for a military to act above the law, as it did in carrying out three coups since 1960 and forcing another government from power in 1997. But to Mr. Erdogan’s critics, particularly among the secular elite, the move demonstrated his ability to exercise control over the country’ s key in
stitutions, with the military falling to a relentless crackdown waged by the judiciary on its top ranks.
In Silivri, a town known for its sunflowers and the sprawling prison painted in pastels where some of those officers are being tried, the sentiments are as relentless as the sun on the Sea of Marmara’s beaches, a few minutes away. Heard often in this town of 44,000 an hour’s drive from Istanbul are the fears of his opponents, a political minority, that no one protects them in a country that Mr. Erdogan has governed for eight years.
Ersin Pamuk gestured in the direction of the Silivri Prison, ringed with coils of barbed wire and newly planted pine trees, where one of the military trials is being held.
“If we say anything, they’ll put us there!” he said, laughing.
As he and his family lounged on a narrow beach, he turned more serious.
“Of course, he’s already strong and now he’s becoming stronger,” he said of Mr. Erdogan. “They’re drawing the circle tighter and tighter around us, step by step, and then we’re going to look like Iraq or Iran.
No one can challenge his power anymore.”
Since winning its first election in 2002, Mr. Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party has overseen a transformation of this country of 73 million, one that is not without detractors. Turkey has emerged as a decisive power in a region long dominated by the United States. Its economy, while still dogged by unemployment, is booming, powered by an insurgent capitalist class that springs from the conservative constituencies in the Anatolian hinterland that Mr. Erdogan, a populist and charismatic figure, has courted.
But even as Turkey becomes more modern and more relevant to the region around it, the old fissures persist, those cleavages of conservative and liberal, nationalist and Islamist, religious and secular. In conversations here, there was a fear that Mr. Erdogan has shifted power decisively away from them. Fear, in fact, seemed to be the driving principle of their opposition: It was less what Mr. Erdogan, a 57-year-old former mayor of Istanbul, had done and more what he might do.
“We’re going toward darkness,” said Battal Sunar, a 58-year-old retiree, relaxing with his family on the beach. “We’re going backwards toward the Ottoman era.”
His wife, Inci, nodded.
“We are really, really worried about our lifestyle,” she said.
Mr. Sunar’s family and others traded stories about the military officer in their building growing more religious, municipal officials trying to curb drinking alcohol in the streets of Istanbul and a foreign policy in the capital, Ankara, which looks more eastward, to the Middle East, than west, to Europe. The foreign minister, Ahmet Davutoglu, once quoted an Ottoman decree in a speech, an occasion that seemed a metaphor for re-engaging an Ottoman past from which modern Turkey had long sought to distance itself.
But even many of Mr. Erdogan’s critics acknowledge that a suspected religious agenda of his party, pious and conservative as it is, has not come to pass. Fear seems more an anxiety over the electoral prowess of the party, and Mr. Erdogan at its center, which represents a coalition of the conservative, disenfranchised and newly wealthy that may keep it in power for years to come. That success has given it unprecedented leverage over the state’s institutions — the courts, universities, news media and, now, the military.
“These people will never go away,” said Mr. Sunar’s daughter, Sevda. “They work hard, they’re smart, they’re well organized and they will bring their own system.”
There are still signs in Turkey that even the old divisions are becoming less important. The party that long acted as the standard-bearer for Mr. Ataturk, who established the modern Turkish state in 1923, now tries to avoid debates over the religious and the secular.
Despite its history of fierce nationalism, it has tentatively reached out to the repressed Kurdish minority, who live predominantly in southeastern Turkey.
Polling last year by Iksara, a local firm, found evidence of those old identities being blurred, especially among youth. A third of young people who supported Mr. Erdogan offered Kemalism, the secular ideology of Mr. Ataturk, as one of their identities.
About 15 percent of supporters for his chief rival listed Islamist as one of their identities.
Even in Silivri, lines were occasionally crossed. A butcher named Ayhan Yaman, who voted for the main opposition party in elections in June, celebrated what he called Mr. Erdogan’s authoritarianism. He meant it as a compliment.
“You need someone to punch the table and shake it,” he said. “In the past journalists or the military could topple leaders. No one can do anything to him.”
That process of bridging divisions, though, feels tentative, and the fears delivered by the retired men at the tea shop in Silivri were far more common. They were born soon after Mr.
Ataturk built the state. In their autumn, they watched as it was transformed.
“We can’t trust the army, we can’t trust the mosque, we can’t trust the police,” Mr. Kurt said. “Who should we trust? Who? You have to trust someone.”
“The prime minister should be for everyone, for all of us,” said another friend, Muharrem Yuksel. “But they don’t treat everyone equally. They’re not impartial at all.”
He paused for a moment, then spoke again.
“We hope God will help us,” he said.
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