The Jihad Moon Crescent Shall Be Completed!

THE JIHAD MOON CRESCENT WILL BE COMPLETED

FROM SOUTHERN LEBANON TO NORTHERN IRAQ

EXTENDING TO IRAN AND THE PERSIAN GULF!

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2 OF JOHN’S 10 HORNS — LEBANON & IRAQ

ON THE REVELATION 13 & 17 HUGE BEAST

2 OF THE 10 HORNS IN DANIEL 7:24-27!

November 18, 2010

http://www.tribulationperiod.com/

Revelation 13:1 – And I stood upon the sand of the sea, and saw a beast rise up out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns, and upon his horns ten crowns, and upon his heads the name of blasphemy.

Rev. 17:12,13 – And the ten horns which thou sawest are ten kings, which have received no kingdom as yet; but receive power as kings one hour with the beast. [13] These have one mind, and shall give their power

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and strength unto the beast.

Daniel 7:24-27 – And the ten horns out of this kingdom are ten kings that shall arise: and another shall rise after them; and he shall be diverse from the first, and he shall subdue three kings. [25] And he shall speak great words against the most High, and shall wear out the saints of the most High, and think to change times and laws: and they shall be given into his hand until a time and times and the dividing of time. [26] But the judgment shall sit, and they shall take away his dominion, to consume and to destroy it unto the end.

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[27] And the kingdom and dominion, and the greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints of the most High, whose kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey him.

Begin Excerpt 1 from DEBKAfile Exclusive Analysis

Iran’s Baghdad feat will force US to engage Hizballah, Hamas

DEBKAfile Exclusive Analysis

November 15, 2010, 2:13 PM (GMT+2:00)

Iyad Allawi, whose Al Iraqiya party, won Iraq’s general election

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last April but last week lost the premiership to the pro-Iranian incumbent Nouri Al-Malaki, was forced to admit Friday, Nov. 12 that “the concept of power-sharing in Iraq was dead now. For Iraq” he said, “there will be tensions and violence, probably.”

That day, too, DEBKAfile’s sources report, Hassan Nasrallah told a closed meeting of his Lebanese Hizballah activists that what happened in Baghdad is destined for Beirut.

He was underlining the new reality in the Middle East where Iran and its allies are beating the West out in one crisis after another, forcing pro-US and pro-Saudi political forces to come to terms with antagonists sponsored by Tehran and serving its interests rather than those of Washington. No one in the region buys the proposition that the Obama administration can count as a successful feat the Baghdad power-sharing deal. It may terminate the eight-month stalemate during which Iraq had no government, but it also brought into the Al Maliki administration the anti-American radical Shiite Sadrists, whose affairs are run from a party headquarters in Iran.

The emergence of the new government in Baghdad is seen in fact as joining the list of flops scored by the Obama administration as a result of wrong tactics: By first backing Alawi, then switching to his rival Al Maliki, the US gave Tehran the edge in the contest between the two rivals and a springboard for further gains.
The second loser was Saudi Arabia, which poured more than a billion dollars in the campaign of Allawi and his Sunni following who have been beaten out by the pro-Tehran candidate.

In addition to boosting the violence plaguing Iraq – as Allawi predicted – Iran has perpetuated both the ethnic and religious divisions of the national government, parliament while also fostering the national, political, ethnic and religious conflicts diving the country outside the capital. The provides Tehran with the perfect game board for playing partisan strife to enhance its influence, a game in which the Americans failed.

The Kurdish Jalal Talabani’s return to the presidency will in no way put a stop the Kurds fighting for control of the northern city of Kirkuk and its rich oil fields, towns in central Iraq and the skies over their autonomous region with a view to establishing an independent Kurdish stronghold powerful enough to achieve its aims by force of arms.

Neither will the election of the Sunni Osama al-Nujeifi’s election as Speaker of Parliament, a post held previously by a Sunni politician too, dismantle the barriers facing Sunni politicians since the US 2003 invasion of Iraq and the fall of the Sunni Baathist regime.

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The Sunni tribal Awakening Councils, which helped US surge forces defeat al Qaeda in 2006 and 2007, will be further encouraged to restore their ties with Al Qaeda by the Al Malilki regime’s refusal to promote Sunnis to top positions in government, keep them on the national payroll and keep some of their leaders in detention.

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It is an open secret in Iraq that Maliki himself, whom parliament Friday awarded a month to form a government, is completely under the thumb of the Sadrists and their Iranian masters and in no position to set about healing the deep dissent afflicting the Iraqi people.

The next ton of bricks about to fall on Barack Obama’s head now comes from Lebanon and the Palestinians, both of whom are falling ever deeper into Syria’s clutches. As one well-informed American put it his week: “As Iraq goes, So Goes the Middle East.”

Begin Excerpt 2 from Gulf News via World News

Iraqi Shiites need to choose between country and religion

Al Maliki’s second government should do more than achieve sectarian balance and deliver good governance

By Francis Matthew, Editor at Large

Published: November 18, 2010

GULF NEWS

It is a tragedy for Iraq that the overwhelming need for security has driven its politics into the dead-end of sectarian vacuousness.

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The Shiite politicians in Iraq hold the key to the country’s future. They have the choice of being more Iraqi in their outlook, or being more influenced by Iran. They will need to decide if they are going to put the interests of their country first and work with Iraqis of all political and sectarian backgrounds, or whether they will pay more attention to the wishes of the Iranian government.

And this is not just an Iraqi issue, despite all the pious rhetoric claiming that the Iraqi parliament is an internal Iraqi affair. The whole of the Gulf is watching nervously to see which way the new government will go, with every expectation that Iran will garner more influence over the decision of the new government.

Although Shiite power has been obvious from the country’s demographics since 2002, when the Americans toppled Saddam Hussain and announced a democracy, it has never been so clear as now, after last week’s agonised result of the inconclusive March election. The near dead-heat for the post of prime minister between the Shiite Nouri Al Maliki and Sunni Eyad Allawi resulted in an eight-month political deadlock, which was finally broken by Shiite leaders making up their minds who to support.

When Moqtada Al Sadr, the radical Shiite leader of 42 members of parliament, agreed to an Iranian request to back Al Maliki, it was the end of Allawi’s hopes and a powerful illustration of Iranian authority. It was initially surprising that Al Sadr agreed to support Al Maliki, since Al Sadr and other Shiites in the Iraq National Alliance had split from Al Maliki’s government in fury when Al Maliki sent the Iraqi army into Basra to regain control from Shiite militias.

The outcome is a government headed by Shiite Al Maliki, supported by Shiite Al Sadr, with the Kurds keeping their grip on the Presidency.

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The Sunni Allawai has been given a new role as head of a National Security Council, which has yet to be formed and has unclear authority or powers, and also the right to appoint the speaker of the parliament.

The question agonising his Sunni supporters, and Sunnis throughout the region, is whether Allawi has been fobbed off with an offer that gave him no power. Clearly Allawi thought he had been fooled last week, when parliament refused to vote to create the new National Security Council when it met to vote Al Maliki back into power.

There is a real danger that the new government will ignore the large Sunni minority in Iraq, triggering real resentment. The Sunnis were stunned and delighted by the result in March when Allawi won 92 seats, slightly more than the incumbent Al Maliki’s State of Law party which managed 89 seats.

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But Sunni delight that elections could deliver a result in their favour soon turned to bitter disappointment as the horse trading between the parties lost its direction, and finally deprived the leader of the largest party the chance to form a government.

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It remains to be seen where the Shiite politicians with their new power will take Iraq, but two things are already clear: First, the Americans are losing influence very fast indeed, and second, sectarian politics are becoming a reality.

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The election result was a deep shock to Washington, and part of the reason for the long delay in the Iraqis finding a coalition was American resistance to a Shiite continuing to be prime minister.

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But in the end,

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the Americans were unable to muster enough support from any side to achieve what they wanted.

Even the Kurds dismissed repeated American requests for Jalal Talabani to relinquish the presidency to Allawi.

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And the Kurds owe a huge debt to the Americans after their political safety was protected by the American no-fly zone after 1992 and their autonomy by the American occupiers since 2002. But both Masoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani crudely dismissed US President Barack Obama’s and US Vice-President Joe Biden’s personal pleas to give in.

Tribal disputes

But Iraq faces a more serious danger if it allows the entrenchment of sectarian politics.

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If parties run on solely ethnic and religious lines then politics will freeze into tribal disputes over power and patronage.

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The fact that the Kurds have held the presidency for two terms, that a Shiite will continue to hold the prime ministership, and the Sunnis are providing the speaker, sounds far too like Lebanon for Iraq’s good.

Effective politics in the 21st century will be about good governance, and vision to educate people and give them the opportunity to seek a better life. This requires a government with policies that go beyond giving each sect a position, and it requires parties that offer social and economic manifestos rather than sectarian balance.

It is a tragedy for Iraq that the overwhelming need for security has driven its politics into the dead-end of sectarian vacuousness.

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