FALSE LIGHT AT THE END OF THE TUNNEL!

False light at the Tunnel’s End,

Islam IS The Spirit Of Antichrist,

Islam denies Jesus is God’s Son,

The Eye of Islamic BELIEF is Evil!

Light Of Islam Truth Is Darkness!

Tunnel’s end False Light is Islamic!

There is a false light in Afghanistan,

Visible at a Far End of a Dark Tunnel!

Nations drawing close to the false Light,

Have Suffered The Unpleasant Experience,

Of seeing a GIGANTIC Gorilla with a Flashlight,

And beat a hasty retreat from whence they Came!

America is now close enough to faintly see the Gorilla,

I Think America Will Soon Head Home Like Brits & Soviets,

Who Got Tired Of Wresting In Mountains With Tribal Gorillas!

September 14, 2009

http://www.tribulationperiod.com/

ISLAM IS AN ESSENCE OF THE SPIRIT OF ANTICHRIST IN THAT IT SAYS JESUS IS MARY’S SON, BUT WILL NOT ACKNOWLEDGE HIM AS THE SON OF GOD!

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ISLAM HAS NEITHER THE SON OR THE FATHER.

I John 2:22,23 – Who is a liar but he that denieth that Jesus is the Christ

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? He is antichrist, that denieth the Father and the Son. [23] Whosoever denieth the Son, the same hath not the Father: (but) he that acknowledgeth the Son hath the Father also.

Matthew 6:23 – But if thine eye be evil, thy whole body shall be full of darkness. If therefore

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the light that is in thee be darkness, how great is that darkness!

MOUNTAIN GUERRILLAS AND GORILLAS MAKE A SIMILAR SOUND, BOTH ARE DANGEROUS WHEN PROVOKED!

I do not think we will stay in Afghanistan as long as President Obama originally planned.

Begin Excerpts from Middle East Online

Can the Afghan Problem be Solved?

Patrick Seale

Middle East Online

September 13, 2009

The truth is that there is not even a glimmer of light at the end of this atrocious tunnel, stresses Patrick Seale.

In what is nothing less than a cry of alarm, Germany, France and Britain have called for an international conference on Afghanistan before the end of the year. This initiative reflects the urgency of the situation, and must be applauded.

There is wide recognition in Europe — and increasingly also in the United States — that the war against the Taliban is going badly; that Coalition casualties and costs are spiralling; and that restive Western opinion is beginning to demand a timetable for withdrawal.

[——-]

The paradox is that the West is using essentially military means against the Taliban, even though almost everyone concerned, including President Obama himself, readily admit that there is no purely military solution to the problem.

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Out of the more than 100,000 Western troops deployed there, 68,000 are American, and more may be called for. The United States has already spent $220bn on the war in Afghanistan since 2001.

So, what is to be done?

Indeed, a key puzzle at the heart of the Afghan conflict is what to do about the Pashtun, a great band of armed, poor yet fiercely independent tribal people, who live in the barren high mountains and isolated valleys which link the south of Afghanistan to the north-west of Pakistan, across the so-called Durand Line, drawn by Britain in the late 19th century.

For readers interested to learn more about the problem posed by this line, there is no better guide than an article by Bijan Omrani, entitled “The Durand Line: History and Problems of the Afghan-Pakistan Border,” in the July issue of the journal Asian Affairs, published in London.

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As Mr Omrani explains, the Pashtuns on both sides of the line have no unified political institutions. They are governed by their simple tribal code, which is Pashtunwali, or the way of the Pashtuns. Melmastia means that hospitality and protection must be given to every guest.

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Nanawati means that asylum and sanctuary must be given to every fugitive, even to a bitter enemy.

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Badal is the rule of vendetta, which means that every insult, every theft, every attack on one’s family, every wounding or killing, must be avenged. Settlement of a vendetta can sometimes be reached at a tribal gathering or jirga, by the payment of blood money or the handing over of a daughter to the offended party as a wife or slave.

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If a Pashtun host fails to protect his fugitive guest, it is a desperate stain on his honour. A host will allow himself to be killed rather than allow his guest to

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be captured. This helps to explain the relations between the Pashtun and those members of Al-Qaida who enjoy their protection.

In 1839, the British inv aded Afgh

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anistan and put a puppet king on the throne. Their intention was to create a tribal buffer state between themselves and their great rivals, the Russians, who were then advancing into Central Asia. But the Afghan puppet king could not look after himself, and when the British troops left, they were slaughtered.

Between 1857 and 1881, the British launched no fewer than 23 expeditions into the hills – including the Second Afghan War of 1878-80 – to try to tame the tribal people and stop

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the populations of the foothills. But they all failed.

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It was then in 1893 that the British concluded that a formal frontier needed to be established between Afghanistan and British India.

Between 1893 and 1896 a boundary of 1,900 miles was traced — the Durand Line — but this was an artificial political boundary cutting through villages, families and tribes.

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As the line was very porous, allowing people to pass easily back and forth, it became from then on a source of great instability, as it is to this day.

In the 1980s, Pakistan used the tribal areas to launch the Mujahedin against the Soviets in Afghanistan. It was where it trained the Taliban, as well as Kashmiri freedom fighters. Pakistan may not have anticipated that the Afghan Taliban would become a fanatical body opposed as much to Kabul as to Islamabad.

The Pashtun tribes are deeply hostile to anything which might affect their cherished way of life. Although poor and backward, they are formidable fighters. In his article, Bijan Omrani quotes some depressing statistics: 57% of people in the tribal areas do not have access to clean water; the literacy rate is 17%, dropping to 3% for women. There are 7,670 people per doctor.

[——-]

Patrick Seale is a leading British writer on the Middle East, and the author of The Struggle for Syria; also, Asad of Syria: The Struggle for the Middle East; and Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire.

Distributed by Agence Global

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